National Academies Press
The National Academies Press (NAP)publish the reports of the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering and Medicine. They published more than 200 books a year on a wide range of topics.
View Rights PortalThe National Academies Press (NAP)publish the reports of the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering and Medicine. They published more than 200 books a year on a wide range of topics.
View Rights PortalIn Yakutia, every winter day is a quest! Putting 10 layers of clothing on, before you go outside, says a lot. Well, that is the tip of the iceberg! The most difficult thing is to wait until a bus arrives when it is -50°C outdoors. Therefore, it is never boring here. Adults and children of the planet would be interested in such warm books from the Pole of Cold with funny facts about life in Yakutia, traditions, history, amazing people and their incredible adventures in the coldest place of the World. Every year, we publish more than 300 titles of various children’s, fiction, study and guidance, reference books, as well as digital and multimedia publications. Over the past 5 years, we won more than 20 international and Russian prizes wherein 14 are for children's book.
View Rights PortalNations in flux explores the evolution of territorial politics in Catalonia and Scotland since 2010, offering an in-depth, comparative analysis of developments in both cases and drawing on interviews with political elites whilst providing a compelling snapshot of the growing relevance of nationalism in contemporary society and politics. Empirically, this book analyses the experiences and effects of referendums on independence, Brexit and the COVID-19 pandemic, and examines some of the most pressing tensions within the existing territorial models. It highlights the need for further reform in both cases and identifies necessary changes to ensure the institutionalisation of more accommodative territorial models and thus, the continuation of political partnership between Catalonia and Spain, and Scotland and the UK. Overall, the book raises important questions about the accommodation of diversity in plurinational states in the twenty-first century.
Richard Wainwright, the Liberals and Liberal Democrats: Unfinished Business now available in paperback, offers new research on familiar themes involving loyalties of politics, faith and locality. Richard Wainwright was a Liberal MP for seventeen years during the Party's recovery, but his life tells us about much more than this. Wainwright grew up in prosperity, but learned from voluntary work about poverty; he refused to fight in World War Two, but saw war at its cruellest; he joined the Liberal Party when most had given up on it, but gave his fortune to it; lost a by-election but caused the only Labour loss in Harold Wilson's landslide of 1966. He then played a key role in the fall of Jeremy Thorpe, the Lib-Lab Pact and the formation of the SDP-Liberal Alliance and the Liberal Democrats; he represented a unique Yorkshire constituency which reflected his pride and hope for society; and though he gave his life to the battle to be in the Commons, he refused a seat in the Lords. Richard Wainwright's story is central to the story of the Liberal Party and sheds light on the reasons for its survival and the state of its prospects. At the same time this book is a parable of politics for anyone who wants to represent an apparently lost cause, who wants to motivate people who have been neglected, and who wants to follow their convictions at the highest level. ;
This book discusses the meaning of the common good in a European Union thorned by nationalist tendencies and presents concrete policies to improve its achievement. It analyses the normative relevance of EU values as a shared moral standpoint that allows highly diverse member states to label a given collective choice as 'good' or 'bad'. It discusses the role of EU institutions as both guardians and enablers of EU values in a globalised world and introduces a few proposals for institutional reform at the EU level that could strengthen this role. It also presents six strategies to improve civic friendship in the EU, in the absence of which any institutional efforts to promote the common good may be undermined by the citizens' lack of willingness to share its burdens.
In Straight Nation, Pavan Mano reveals the logic of straightness that sits at the heart of postcolonial nationalism in Singapore. Mano rejects the romantic notion of the nation as a haven of belonging, showing it to be a relentless force that is allied with heteronormativity to create a host of minoritized and xenologized figures. Through meticulous exploration and close reading of a swathe of texts, Mano unveils the instrumental role of sexuality in structuring the national imaginary. The book adroitly demonstrates how queerness is rendered foreign in postcolonial Singapore and functions alongside technologies of "race", gender, and class. A provocative critique of narrow contemporary identity politics and its concomitant stymying of a more ambitious political critique, Straight Nation sets out an argument that moves beyond the negativity of traditional critique into a space of (re)thinking, (re)building and (re)imagining.
This book is the first analysis of political defections over a long time span. It investigates all the Liberal/Liberal Democrat MPs and former MPs who defected from the party between the elections of December 1910 and May 2010 - around one sixth of all those elected - as well as the smaller number of inward defectors. Each of the 122 defections was an expert judgment on the state of the party at a specific date. The research investigates the timing and reasons for all the defections and reveals long-term trends and underlying causes and apportions responsibility between leaders for them. The author finds some significant differences which distinguished defectors from loyalists and draws wider conclusions about the underlying factors which lead MPs to defect. This book will be of interest to students and lecturers of British politics and anyone interested in the relationship between British political parties in the last century. ;
This book provides the most comprehensive analysis of the post-war political thought of the Liberals and Liberal Democrats to date. The rationale of the book stems from a belief that contemporary debate over the party's future ideological direction can only be fully appreciated by placing it within a broader historical context. The book begins by outlining the three dominant ideological traditions within the Liberals and Liberal Democrats - namely, classical liberalism, the 'centre' and social liberalism. The main ideas, policies and personalities associated with each tradition are evaluated. Leading experts in the field then examine a range of themes and issues including constitutional reform, decentralization, political economy, social morality, internationalism and political strategy. The final section consists of three commentaries from different ideological perspectives written by leading Liberal Democrat MPs - Vincent Cable, David Howarth and Steve Webb. In adopting a new approach to the Liberals and Liberal Democrats and in combining expert analysis with political commentary, this book will be of interest to students and the general reader alike. ;
This book explores the development, character, and legacy of the ideology of liberal internationalism in late nineteenth and early twentieth-century Britain. Liberal internationalism provided a powerful way of theorising and imagining international relations, and it dominated well-informed political discourse at a time when Britain was the most powerful country in the world. Its proponents focused on securing progress, generating order and enacting justice in international affairs. Liberal internationalism united a diverse group of intellectuals and public figures, and it left a lasting legacy in the twentieth century. This book elucidates the roots, trajectory, and diversity of liberal internationalism, focusing in particular on three intellectual languages - international law, philosophy and history - through which it was promulgated. Finally, it traces the impact of these ideas across the defining moment of the First World War. The liberal internationalist vision of the late-nineteenth century remained popular well into the twentieth century and forms an important backdrop to the development of the academic study of International Relations in Britain. ;
Political realism has recently moved to the centre of debates in contemporary political theory. In this monograph, Matt Sleat presents the first comprehensive overview of the resurgence of interest in realist political theory and develops a unique and original defence of liberal politics in realist terms. Through explorations of the work of a diverse range of thinkers, including Bernard Williams, John Rawls, Raymond Geuss, Judith Shklar, John Gray, Carl Schmitt and Max Weber, the author advances a theory of liberal realism that is consistent with the realist emphasis on disagreement and conflict yet still recognisably liberal in its concern with respecting individuals' freedom and constraining political power. The result is a unique contribution to the ongoing debates surrounding realism and an original and timely re-imagining of liberal theory for the twenty-first century. This provocative work will be of interest to students and all concerned with the possibility of realising liberalism and its moral aspirations in today's world. ;
This is the first book to examine the relationship between English nationalism, Brexit and 'the Anglosphere' - a politically-contested term used to denote English-speaking countries sharing cultural and historical roots with the UK. In the aftermath of the UK's EU referendum some pointed to a 'revolt' of those 'left behind' by globalisation. Ben Wellings argues instead that Brexit was and is an elite project, firmly situated within the tradition of an expansive English nationalism. Far from being parochial 'Little Englanders', elite Brexiteers sought to replace the European Union with trade and security alliances between 'true friends' and 'traditional allies' in the Anglosphere. Brexit was thus reassuringly presented as a giant leap into the known. As the UK's future relationship with the rest of the world is negotiated, the need to understand this 'English moment' has never been more pressing.
The book outlines the sociological arguments and political activities of the US pragmatist sociologist, Herbert Adolphus Miller (1875-1951). Miller was part of the milieu of Chicago sociology and involved in its studies of race and immigration. He took a distinctly more radical approach and developed a novel political sociology of domination in which he set out a critique of empires, the plight of subject minorities and the risks associated with the inevitable nationalist responses. Where others have identified with the 'internationalisation' of nationalism, Miller sought to make the nation 'international'. He was actively involved in movements for racial justice, Czechoslovakian independence, the formation of the Mid-European Union of subject peoples, as well as support for Korean and Indian independence. He was dismissed by Ohio State University for his activism in 1932.
This book investigates how people have thought about and experienced time, and how their ideas about time have shaped their political views and actions. Using French thinkers and activists of the radical left and right between the Dreyfus Affair and the First World War as a case study, it argues that time provides an important means of exploring how concepts such as nationalism, revolution and social change were understood at the turn of the century. Attending to different experiences of time - the speed at which it was perceived to move, the extent to which the future was near and graspable, the ways in which the past was seen to impinge on the present - opens up exciting new possibilities for analysing politics, ideologies and worldviews.
Islamophobia is one of the most misunderstood and pernicious forms of racism in Britain. But how do those committed to challenging Islamophobia understand it? And what does this mean for their practices 'on the ground'? Islamophobia, anti-racism and the British left combines first-hand accounts from activists and community workers across two British cities with sociological theory, critically interrogating Islamophobia's relationship to 'race', racial capitalism and other modalities of racism. Setting this discussion against some of the most pertinent political shifts in Britain in recent years - from the resurgence of left nationalism to Black Lives Matter - the book assesses the limits of recent attempts to think about and tackle Islamophobia, and considers the possibilities of an alternative approach from and for the anti-racist left.
This is a study of Britain's presence in China both at its peak, and during its inter-war dissolution in the face of assertive Chinese nationalism and declining British diplomatic support. Using archival materials from China and records in Britain and the United States, the author paints a portrait of the traders, missionaries, businessmen, diplomats and settlers who constituted "Britain-in-China", challenging our understanding of British imperialism there. Bickers argues that the British presence in China was dominated by urban settlers whose primary allegiance lay not with any grand imperial design, but with their own communities and precarious livelihoods. This brought them into conflict not only with the Chinese population, but with the British imperial government. The book also analyzes the formation and maintenance of settler identities, and then investigates how the British state and its allies brought an end to the reign of freelance, settler imperialism on the China coast. At the same time, other British sectors, missionary and business, renegotiated their own relationship with their Chinese markets and the Chinese state and distanced themselves from the settler British.
This book provides a novel analysis of the conceptual sources and ideological contours of the Assad regime. The book documents the Baathists' fascination with Romanticised and 'muscular' ideas of the nation that emerged in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European social philosophy, and traces the implementation and impacts of these ideologies in the Syrian context. Emphasising the emergence of new forms of public gendered identity in Syria as a unifying feature of nationalism bound closely with the stability of the regime, the book shows how Romantic, muscular nationalism first rose to hegemony and then was shattered by its inherent violence, contradictions and inequalities. The final chapter closes by considering how a new vision of pluralism and civic belonging is today challenging the Romanticised Baathist ideal in contention for Syria's future.