NeWest Press
Livres Canada Books
View Rights PortalHow and why did the Nazis seize power in Germany? Nearly seventy years on, the question remains heated and important discoveries continue to challenge long standing assumptions. Beginmning with an overview of the historical context within which Nazism grew, looking at the foreign relations, politics and society of Weimar and in particular at the role of the elites in the rise of Nazism. The book questions the anatomy of Nazism itself: What lent Nazi ideology its coherence and credibility? What distinguished the Nazi's programme from their competitors' and how did they project it so effectively? How was Hitler able to put together and fund an organisation so quickly and effectively that it could launch a sustained assault on Weimar? Who supported the Nazis and what were their motives? Where, precisely, does Nazism belong in the history of Europe?. Since the publication of the first edition, important new works have appeared and this new scholarship has been incorporated into the text. ;
Worlds of the Ring is a groundbreaking exploration of the interwar European circus scene, focusing on the German Sarrasani and British Bertram W. Mills' circuses. This study illuminates the correlation between the circus's evolution and imperialism/nationalism, revealing how these enterprises shaped national identities for popular audiences. Examining the years 1918-45, the book takes a transnational perspective, uncovering the interplay of international and national forces that influenced the modern circus. Through case studies, it delves into the lives of individuals in the industry, using diverse sources like newspapers, legal documents, and performer archives. The book introduces the concept of Orientalism to analyse how circuses depicted foreign worlds, and provides a fresh perspective on interwar popular culture, globalising forces, and the circus's ties to European imperialism in the early 20th century.
Most scholars believe that China's nationality policy, like that of other socialist states, imitated the Soviet nationality model, a system which has been termed an "affirmative action empire." This book offers two contributions to the literature which run counter to this convention. First, it argues that the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Soviet Union (USSR) were different; while the PRC was aimed to build an ideal-typical nation-state, the USSR was an open union of nation-states that was only temporarily confined to a physical territory. Second, while scholars who have noted this difference attribute it to contextual factors, such as ethnic structure, geopolitical status, and Russia's intervention into the Chinese Revolution, this book contends that context shaped the Sino-Soviet difference, yet it did not determine it. Rather, there was significant leeway between the implications of the contextual factors, and what the policy-designers ultimately established. This book probes who held agency, and how these individuals bridged this gap.
"»Außen am Haus stand BOARDING HOME, aber ich wußte, daß es mein Grab sein würde. Es war eins jener Heime für Menschen, die das Leben aussortiert hat. Für Idioten vor allem. Manchmal aber auch für alte Leute, die von ihren Familien hier abgegeben wurden, damit sie vor Einsamkeit sterben und den Siegern nicht in die Suppe spucken.« William Figueras, ein kubanischer Schriftsteller, den die Revolution nicht gefressen, aber seiner Illusionen beraubt hat, ist auf der Flucht vor »der Kultur, der Musik, der Literatur, dem Fernsehen, den Sportereignissen, der Geschichte und der Philosophie Kubas«. In der Tasche nicht mehr als seine zerlesene Ausgabe englischer Romantiker, wird er von seinen Verwandten in Miami bald nach seiner Ankunft dort ins Heim abgeschoben; mehr könne man nicht tun, das werde er verstehen. Er versteht.Das Heim ist eine höllische Zuflucht, in der alle Opfer sind und doch jeder, so gut er kann, als Täter agiert. Kein Entrinnen scheint es zu geben, weil jenseits ihrer offenen Türen die Freiheit droht. Eines Tages erscheint Francis unter den Idioten und mit ihr die Erinnerung an menschliche Gefühle. Die beiden versuchen, die überfahrt in die allerletzte Heimat abzubrechen."
At every level of human interaction new levels of identity-based tension are in evidence. Contributors to this book explore facets of fragmentation processes within systems of state and interstate organisation, how they influence the use of negotiation, and how negotiation might be used to effect renewed coherence. Following Anstey's (Ch1) introductory chapter framing the nature and shape of fragmentation dynamics, Zartman (Ch 2) argues that the use of negotiation as a process of conflict resolution is deeply shaped by identity groups whose internal coherence is dependent on sustaining a negative identity of others. International relations are no longer solely the realm of experienced diplomats but are shaped as Meerts (Ch3) points out by politicians seeking to be responsive to voting publics rather than wider concerns. Anstey digs into problems of fragmentation (Ch. 4) and Troitskiy (Ch 5) points out how a reluctant acceptance of the power of 'the other' can lead to a form of strategic stability in relations. Anstey and Meerts (Ch 6) point out in their analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian case as an identity conflict turned very bad. Guggenbuhl (Ch 7 ) reveals how structures and processes have been designed within the EU to prevent, contain and regulate conflicts to limit risks of confrontation and fragmentation. Schuessler (Ch 8) to advocates a shift away from a template or roadmap approach to EU membership to a cohesion based on non-dominance. There is still a strong desire on the part of some states, like Northern Macedonia, to become EU members, as reflected in Manton's (Ch 9). Paula Garzon and Frans Schram explain the success of the Colombia Peace Negotiations (Ch 10), while Odigie and da Rocha (Ch 11) analyse the struggle faced by ECOWAS to influence coup leaders in Mali to return to constitutional government and changes of government by constitutional means. Liang (Ch12) discusses how the internet as the modern vehicle of inter-state, inter-group and interpersonal communication has become weaponised. In Ch 13 Anstey draws some lessons from contributions to the compilation.
Man brings apocalyptic plagues to the world and his fellow primates – from global warming to the destruction of forests. While millions of monkeys and apes lived on Earth only a few decades ago, today many species are strongly endangered. In this book the anthropologist and monkey researcher Volker Sommer calls on us to finally protect the fundamental rights such as the right to life, freedom and physical integrity of the great apes. For all his seriousness, Sommer is also a great storyteller who deals with his own profession with humour, sympathy and in a highly instructive way.
This book provides a careful and systematic analysis of Anthony Ascham's career and writings for the first time in English. During the crucial period between the Second Civil War and the establishment of the English Republic, when he served as official pamphleteer of the Parliament and the republican government, Ascham put forward a complex argument in support of Parliament's claims for obedience which drew on the political thought of Grotius, Hobbes, Selden, Filmer and Machiavelli. He combined ideas taken from these authors and turned them into a powerful instrument of propaganda to be deployed in the service of the political agenda of his Independent patrons in Parliament. This investigation of Ascham's works brings together an intellectual analysis of his political thought and an exploration of the interaction between politics, propaganda and political ideas.
Nach Aktionen von Klimaschützern oder Schlägereien in Schwimmbädern werden regelmäßig Forderungen laut, nun müsse »mit der vollen Härte des Rechtsstaats durchgegriffen« werden. Gemeint ist damit: Schluss mit Entschuldigungen und Sozialarbeiter-Romantik, dafür robustes Auftreten der Polizei, Ausschöpfen des Strafrahmens vor Gericht – kurz: »Law and Order«-Politik. Dabei gerät in Vergessenheit, dass »Rechtsstaat« eigentlich etwas ganz anderes bedeutet, nämlich die Bindung staatlichen Handelns an das Gesetz. Maximilian Pichl analysiert, aus welchen Gründen und mit welchen Strategien politische Akteure die skizzierte Umdeutung betreiben und welche Folgen sie hat. Diesen Bestrebungen setzt Pichl die lange Geschichte juristischer Kämpfe entgegen, in denen sich Anwälte und Aktivisten für eine Begrenzung politischer Willkür eingesetzt haben.
Socialist republic is a timely account of 1980s left-wing politics in South Yorkshire. It explores how Sheffield City Council set out to renew the British Left. Through careful analysis of the Council's agenda and how it interacted with trade unions, women's groups, lesbian and gay rights groups and acted on issues such as peace, environmentalism, anti-apartheid and anti-racism, the book draws out the complexities involved in building a broad-based politics which aimed unite class and identity politics. Running counter to 1980s narratives dominated by Thatcherism, the book examines the persistence of social democracy locally, demonstrating how grassroots local histories can enrich our understanding of political developments on a national and international level. The book is essential reading for students, scholars, and activists with an interest in left-wing politics and history.
During the first half of the twentieth century, world politics was reshaped in pursuit of a new international order. The ideological foundations of the 'new diplomacy' (and its fate during the interwar period) are well known. This book instead examines the practices of internationalism and diplomacy from the First Hague Conference of 1899 to the aftermath of the Second World War. By focusing on these practices, such as disarmament regimes or public diplomacy, and their use as instruments to build international order(s), it emphasises the constructed, contested, and experimental character of what subsequently became a standard repertoire of international politics. Essays from a range of interdisciplinary scholars address well-established principles such as self-determination, and also less prominent practices such as small arms control or parliamentary inquiry. The book makes a major contribution to the growing historiography on twentieth-century internationalism.
Child, nation, race and empire is an innovative, inter-disciplinary, cross cultural study that contributes to understandings of both contemporary child welfare practices and the complex dynamics of empire. It analyses the construction and transmission of nineteenth-century British child rescue ideology. Locating the origins of contemporary practice in the publications of the prominent English Child rescuers, Dr Barnardo, Thomas Bowman Stephenson, Benjamin Waugh, Edward de Montjoie Rudolf and their colonial disciples and literature written for children, it shows how the vulnerable body of the child at risk came to be reconstituted as central to the survival of nation, race and empire. Yet, as the shocking testimony before the many official enquiries into the past treatment of children in out-of-home 'care' held in Britain, Ireland, Australia and Canada make clear, there was no guarantee that the rescued child would be protected from further harm.
During the first half of the twentieth century, world politics was reshaped in pursuit of a new international order. The ideological foundations of the 'new diplomacy' (and its fate during the interwar period) are well known. This book instead examines the practices of internationalism and diplomacy from the First Hague Conference of 1899 to the aftermath of the Second World War. By focusing on these practices, such as disarmament regimes or public diplomacy, and their use as instruments to build international order(s), it emphasises the constructed, contested, and experimental character of what subsequently became a standard repertoire of international politics. Essays from a range of interdisciplinary scholars address well-established principles such as self-determination, and also less prominent practices such as small arms control or parliamentary inquiry. The book makes a major contribution to the growing historiography on twentieth-century internationalism.
The first book to tell the shocking story of the AIDS crisis in Soviet Russia. Throughout the 1980s, as the world was grappling with the escalating crisis of AIDS, Soviet Russia continued to deny there was a problem. Arguing that the disease was limited to foreigners and 'immoral' groups, the government failed to take meaningful action, long past the point other countries had begun to recognise the full scale of the threat. In this ground-breaking book, Rustam Alexander tells the story of AIDS in Soviet Russia. Fixated on disinformation, censorship and the persecution of marginalised communities, the Soviet authorities wasted precious time, allowing the epidemic to strike at the very heart of the nation: its children. Yet, despite the government's failure, a number of brave journalists, doctors and nascent gay groups decided to take matters into their own hands and engage in full-fledged AIDS activism. Tracing the political and social response to AIDS in the final years of the Soviet era, Alexander sheds light on the devastating consequences of government inaction. He draws on personal stories, media reports and archival materials to provide a riveting account of the Russian people's fight against AIDS amid the tumultuous transformations of Gorbachev's perestroika.
A compelling account of the project to transform post-war Manchester, revealing the clash between utopian vision and compromised reality. Urban renewal in Britain was thrilling in its vision, yet partial and incomplete in its implementation. For the first time, this deep study of a renewal city reveals the complex networks of actors behind physical change and stagnation in post-war Britain. Using the nested scales of region, city and case-study sites, the book explores the relationships between Whitehall legislation, its interpretation by local government planning officers and the on-the-ground impact through urban architectural projects. Each chapter highlights the connections between policy goals, global narratives and the design and construction of cities. The Cold War, decolonialisation, rising consumerism and the oil crisis all feature in a richly illustrated account of architecture and planning in post-war Manchester.
Vladimir Putin has been ruling Russia for 25 years. There is no end in sight to his dictatorship. He relies on repression at home and is waging a war of destruction against a neighbouring country. The conflict with the West has long become a systemic conflict between an illiberal-autocratic ideology and liberal-democratic principles. Nothing will change as long as Putin remains in power. Nevertheless, as far as can be ascertained under unfree conditions, the majority of the population seems to be supporting Putin. Does this mean that too many people in Russia do not want democracy or peace? Will everything remain the same after Putin? Or is there a chance that Russia will eventually take a different, more democratic path? Whatever the outcome of the war in Ukraine, Russia is not going to disappear. We will still have to deal with our big neighbour in the east. This makes it all the more important to focus on longer-term developments. As a recognised expert on Russian history and society, the author outlines what the post-Putin era might look like. His in-depth analysis makes it clear that Russia is partly Putin, but Putin is not everything about Russia.
French society in revolution aims to retrieve the social history of the French Revolution from unjustified neglect. This study examines both the structural and cultural elements behind the breakdown of the eighteenth-century monarchic state and its aris. . . . ;