Speedy Publishing is a hybrid general interest trade publisher. One of the first of its kind Speedy publishes books, eBooks, mobile apps, pamphlets and free online resources that are meant to educate, edify and entertain readers regardless of demographic.
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This collection brings together historians, political theorists and literary scholars to provide historical perspectives on the modern debate over freedom of speech, particularly the question of whether limitations might be necessary given religious pluralism and concerns about hate speech. It integrates religion into the history of free speech and rethinks what is sometimes regarded as a coherent tradition of more or less absolutist justifications for free expression. Contributors examine the aims and effectiveness of government policies, the sometimes contingent ways in which freedom of speech became a reality and a wide range of canonical and non-canonical texts in which contemporaries outlined their ideas and ideals. Overall, the book argues that while the period from 1500 to 1850 witnessed considerable change in terms of both ideas and practices, these were more or less distinct from those that characterise modern debates.
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Kleopatra erklärt, wie's wirklich war! Das alte Ägypten fasziniert seit eh und je Kinder und Erwachsene, aber wirklich Ahnung haben nur die wenigsten! Zum Glück trommelt Kleopatra die berühmtesten Götter und die mutigsten Menschenkinder zusammen, um uns aus dem Grab der Unwissenheit herauszuhelfen. Endlich gibt es Antworten auf die spannendsten Fragen: Wie lief der Bau einer Pyramide ab? Gab es wirklich Fallen, um die Grabkammern vor Räubern zu schützen? Warum wurden Tote mumifiziert und wie funktionierte das Ganze? Was sind Hieroglyphen? Und was hatte der Römer Caesar in Ägypten zu suchen?
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This book offers important new insights into the history and culture of the Gaelic-speaking world from the mid-fifteenth century through to the reign of James VI and I. Throughout this period, the reach of the English and Scottish crowns within these western regions was limited. The initiative lay with local communities and royal power was contingent upon negotiating with well-established and largely autonomous aristocratic lineages. Moreover, events within this western world could exert a powerful, often unpredictable, influence upon the affairs of the wider archipelago. Using a series of case studies, this collection examines the evolving relationship between Ireland and Scotland in rich detail. It demonstrates how this world interacted with the encroaching English and Scottish states and underlines the importance of paying closer attention to this neglected area of Irish and British history.
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This highly original book constitutes one of the first attempts to examine the problem of distributive justice in the European Union in a systematic manner. João Labareda argues that the set of shared political institutions at EU level, including the European Parliament and the Court of Justice of the EU, generate democratic duties of redistribution among EU citizens. Furthermore, the economic structure of the EU, comprising a common market, a common currency and a free-movement area, triggers duties of reciprocity among member states. The responsibilities to fulfil these duties, Labareda argues, should be shared by the local, national and supranational levels of government. Not only should the EU act as a safety net to the national welfare systems, applying the principle of subsidiarity, but common market and Eurozone regulations should balance their efficiency targets with fair cooperation terms. The concrete policy proposals presented in this book include a threshold of basic goods for all EU citizens, an EU labour code, a minimum EU corporate tax rate and an EU fund for competitiveness. Labarada argues that his proposals match the political culture of the member states, are economically feasible, can be translated into functioning institutions and policies and are consistent with the limited degree of social solidarity in Europe. This book is a major contribution to the understanding of what a just Europe would look like and what it might take to get us there. This book is relevant to United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 10, Reduced inequalities
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A historic big infrastructure project in the nexus of federal government policy planning From Berlin Airport to Stuttgart 21 – public building projects seem to get out of hand with growing frequency. Frank Uekötter follows the example of the Elbe Lateral Canal, which was opened in 1976, to show that institutional failure is not a new phenomenon. The virtually forgotten story of the Elbe Lateral Canal represents an inglorious episode of German federal policy planning. The benefit of the 115 km long waterway, which connects the Mittelland Canal with the River Elbe, was completely out of proportion to the level of investment. Despite this, the project was soon unstoppable in the nexus of corporate interests, political aims and the policy for growth. A dam ruptured at Lüneburg only weeks after its opening. Uekötter argues for a social rethink based on the clear chronology of these “organized irresponsibilities”.
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The five Nordic countries - Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden - frequently attract attention as examples of a 'Nordic model'. The meanings of the term vary, but especially since the global financial crisis of 2008-9 the Nordic countries have often been portrayed positively, as examples of economic dynamism, innovation and social equality. Studies of these images of the Nordic countries and Nordic region and their international circulations are now a well-established field of research. This volume explores how the Nordic model has been shaped by global entanglements, in exchange not only with Western Europe and North America, but also with the Global South. Drawing on selected case studies, the volume offers new perspectives on the meanings of the Nordic model and Nordic exceptionalism in a global context during the half century since c. 1970.
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Vom Autor des Spiegel - Bestsellers Postdemokratie Im Herbst 2014 wurde bekannt, der englische National Health Service wolle in Zukunft jedem Arzt 55 Pfund bezahlen, der bei einem Patienten Demenz diagnostiziert. Die Empörung war groß: Steigt so nicht das Risiko von Fehldiagnosen? Wissen Ärzte nicht auch ohne solche Anreize, was zu tun ist? Das Beispiel zeigt, dass die Logik des Neoliberalismus trotz der großen Krise weiterhin auf dem Vormarsch ist. Der damit verbundene Wandel betrifft alle Lebensbereiche: Schulen, Krankenhäuser und Polizei werden im Rahmen des großen Zahlenspiels umstrukturiert und dem Diktat der Kennziffern unterworfen; aus Studenten und Fahrgästen sollen Kunden werden, die agieren wie Rechenmaschinen. Auf dem Weg in die »Informationsgesellschaft« bleibt eine zentrale Ressource auf der Strecke: das Wissen selbst. Colin Crouch zeichnet nach, wie der Neoliberalismus alternative Formen des Wissens und der Expertise korrumpiert. Anders als seine Apologeten behaupten, ist der Markt keine perfekte Wissensmaschine, die aus anonymen Entscheidungen Transparenz herbeizaubert, im Gegenteil: Lässt man die Logik der Finanzmärkte ungehindert operieren, kann sie das Immunsystem unserer Gesellschaften zerstören.
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In the Western cultural production that puts individual or collective fear at its center, East/Central Europe has been portrayed as an othered space of horror - lawless, frightening zones where anything can happen. Incorporating articles on literature, film, visual arts, video games, music videos, and music festivals, Contemporary Slavic horror across media: Cursed zones is a pioneering anthology of academic essays devoted to Slavic horror fiction. The book focuses on works from the mid-20th century through the present, particularly the post-Soviet period. Assessing current trends in Czech, Polish, Russian, Slovak, Ukrainian, and East/Central European horror media, the book looks at similarities and idiosyncrasies of the genre in its Slavic variant. With this anthology we hope to tame 'the Easterner Other' and start exorcising 'monstrous' East/Central Europe.
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We moderns were the inhabitants of an age of impetuous forward movement and voracious discontent. Our main virtue was to increase our reach. Increasing our having and accelerating our being were the signposts towards the future. We just could not get enough. Using the blinkers of ignorance and self-anaesthesia, however, we managed to forget the tremendous costs incurred by this intoxication. Now disillusionment has set in. We look to the future with anxiety. We know that we have long since crossed a line and that a revision of our lifestyle is imminent. We have a bad feeling, and doubts about progress often give way to anger and rebellion. Which stocks of the modern narrative should we defend; which would we do better to let go? How will we even "be able to stop"? The path to a different society needs an attractive goal, because without the prospect of a different, better life, we will not move forward. We should start practising immediately. There is no time to lose.
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The politics of Middle English parables examines the dynamic intersection of fiction, theology and social practice in late-medieval England. Parables occupy a prominent place in Middle English literature, appearing in dream visions and story collections as well as in lives of Christ and devotional treatises. While most scholarship approaches the translated stories as stable vehicles of Christian teaching, this book highlights the many variations and points of conflict across Middle English renditions of the same story. In parables related to labour, social inequality, charity and penance, the book locates a creative theological discourse through which writers attempted to re-construct Christian belief and practice. Analysis of these diverse retellings reveals not what a given parable meant in a definitive sense but rather how Middle English parables inscribe the ideologies, power structures and cultural debates of late-medieval Christianity.
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Middle English literature is intimately concerned with sleep and the spaces in which it takes place. In the medieval English imagination, sleep is an embodied and culturally determined act. It is both performed and interpreted by characters and contemporaries, subject to a particular habitus and understood through particular hermeneutic lenses. While illuminating the intersecting medical and moral discourses by which it is shaped, sleep also sheds light on subjects in favour of which it has hitherto been overlooked: what sleep can enable (dreams and dream poetry) or what it can stand in for or supersede (desire and sex). This book argues that sleep mediates thematic concerns and questions in ways that have ethical, affective and oneiric implications. At the same time, it offers important contributions to understanding different Middle English genres: romance, dream vision, drama and fabliau.
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The fall and rise of the English upper class explores the role traditionalist worldviews, articulated by members of the historic upper-class, have played in British society in the shadow of her imperial and economic decline in the twentieth century. Situating these traditionalist visions alongside Britain's post-Brexit fantasies of global economic resurgence and a socio-cultural return to a green and pleasant land, Smith examines Britain's Establishment institutions, the estates of her landed gentry and aristocracy, through to an appetite for nostalgic products represented with pastoral or pre-modern symbolism. It is demonstrated that these institutions and pursuits play a central role in situating social, cultural and political belonging. Crucially these institutions and pursuits rely upon a form of membership which is grounded in a kinship idiom centred upon inheritance and descent: who inherits the houses of privilege, inherits England.
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A unique guide to creating political theatre, produced by one of the UK's most exciting companies. Do It Yourself is a vital resource for anyone interested in exploring theatre culture grounded in and produced by working-class, multi-racial communities. Designed for artists, activists and community organisers, the book offers a step-by-step guide to creating political theatre that is relevant, impactful and rooted in the lives of everyday people. Common Wealth have spent fifteen years working at the cutting edge of political theatre. In Do It Yourself, they share their experimental and activist approach to performance-making, based on DIY principles and the belief that ground-breaking theatre can be made with anyone, anywhere, in ways that truly resonate with the communities it serves. Do It Yourself introduces Common Wealth's artistic and political ethos, provides unique insights into their most significant performances and offers practical exercises for creating your own work. But this is not just a manual. It is a celebration of culture as a collective endeavour, one that can challenge the status quo and inspire change.
