Griots Lounge Publishing Nigeria
Griots Lounge and its imprints offers traditional publishing and sundry services to creative talents across Africa, as well as children friendly literature.
View Rights PortalGriots Lounge and its imprints offers traditional publishing and sundry services to creative talents across Africa, as well as children friendly literature.
View Rights PortalGriots Lounge Publishing was first founded in Nigeria in 2012 with a focus on new writers of fiction, poetry, and nonfiction, especially around the minority southeastern and Niger Delta parts of Nigeria.
View Rights PortalMost scholars believe that China's nationality policy, like that of other socialist states, imitated the Soviet nationality model, a system which has been termed an "affirmative action empire." This book offers two contributions to the literature which run counter to this convention. First, it argues that the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Soviet Union (USSR) were different; while the PRC was aimed to build an ideal-typical nation-state, the USSR was an open union of nation-states that was only temporarily confined to a physical territory. Second, while scholars who have noted this difference attribute it to contextual factors, such as ethnic structure, geopolitical status, and Russia's intervention into the Chinese Revolution, this book contends that context shaped the Sino-Soviet difference, yet it did not determine it. Rather, there was significant leeway between the implications of the contextual factors, and what the policy-designers ultimately established. This book probes who held agency, and how these individuals bridged this gap.
Vladimir Putin has been ruling Russia for 25 years. There is no end in sight to his dictatorship. He relies on repression at home and is waging a war of destruction against a neighbouring country. The conflict with the West has long become a systemic conflict between an illiberal-autocratic ideology and liberal-democratic principles. Nothing will change as long as Putin remains in power. Nevertheless, as far as can be ascertained under unfree conditions, the majority of the population seems to be supporting Putin. Does this mean that too many people in Russia do not want democracy or peace? Will everything remain the same after Putin? Or is there a chance that Russia will eventually take a different, more democratic path? Whatever the outcome of the war in Ukraine, Russia is not going to disappear. We will still have to deal with our big neighbour in the east. This makes it all the more important to focus on longer-term developments. As a recognised expert on Russian history and society, the author outlines what the post-Putin era might look like. His in-depth analysis makes it clear that Russia is partly Putin, but Putin is not everything about Russia.
The relationship between Germany and Russia is Europe's most important link with the largest country on the continent. But despite Germany's unparalleled knowledge and historical experience, its policymakers struggle to accept that Moscow's efforts to rebalance Europe at the cost of the cohesion of the EU and NATO are an attack on Germany's core interests. This book explains the scale of the challenge facing Germany in managing relations with a changing Russia. It analyses how successive German governments from 1991 to 2014 misread Russian intentions, until Angela Merkel sharply recalibrated German and EU policy towards Moscow. The book also examines what lies behind efforts to revise Merkel's bold policy shift, including attitudes inherited from the GDR and the role of Russian influence channels in Germany.
Als Kind im Jerusalem der 40er Jahre erlebt Amos Oz den Hass auf Deutschland als etwas Absolutes, Unverrückbares. Die Deutschen sind Mörder, ihre Sprache, ihre Produkte geächtet, das Wiedergutmachungsabkommen von 1952 noch als Schande verschrien. Und in jedem Pass des jungen Landes steht "Gültig für alle Länder – mit Ausnahme von Deutschland". Doch dann sind da die Bücher, die Literatur, dann liest er und das ganze Land Lenz, Böll, Grass, und ein Wandel vollzieht sich, im Kleinen wie im Großen, in ihm wie im Staate Israel … Amos Oz kombiniert persönliche Erfahrungen mit historisch-politischem Nachdenken. Auf diese Weise liefert er eine beeindruckende Bestandsaufnahme des alles andere als normalen Verhältnisses zweier Nationen. Ein Buch über Deutschland, über Israel, über den mehr als sechzig Jahre währenden Prozess der Verständigung. Und zur gleichen Zeit ein Plädoyer für die brückenschlagende Kraft des Erzählens.
Seit zehn Jahren beschäftigt sich Martin Waiser mit einem Thema, das in der öffentlichen Meinung, bei den Politikern und bei den Intellektuellen als obsolet gilt: Deutschland. Und er beharrt darauf, daß das Wort Deutschland nicht nur im Wetterbericht Verwendung findet. Für Waiser bezeichnet dieses Wort vielmehr ein Fehlendes, das nicht dadurch einfach zu beseitigen ist, daß man es als geschichtlich notwendig ansieht, als verdientes, zu bejahendes Resultat der Geschichte. Eine solche Auffasssung ist für Waiser gerade unhistorisch - versperrt sie doch von vornherein die Möglichkeiten jedweden historischen Prozesses.
Der Schriftsteller und Literaturwissenschaftler Gert Mattenklott schaut hinter die großen Linien historischer Darstellung, fragt nach dem Innenleben, den Erfahrungen von Juden in Deutschland. Hier ist der Plural genau zu nehmen: Mattenklott zeichnet eine Vielzahl jüdischer Lebensgeschichten nach, die alle zu der einen Geschichte von Juden in Deutschland und zu deren tiefem Einschnitt nach 1933, der Entrechtung, Vertreibung und dem Völkermord, gehören. Am Leitfaden von Korrespondenzen zeichnet Gert Mattenklott nach, wie sich jüdisches Bewußtsein äußert. Das Spektrum reicht von unbekannten Kaufleuten der frühen Neuzeit bis zu den großen Briefschreibern des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts. Die Gegenwart ist nicht durch Briefe, sondern durch Gespräche dargestellt, die Gert Mattenklott geführt hat.
Das vorliegende Buch von Ludolf Herbst macht es sich zur Aufgabe, diese Prozesse zu untersuchen. Dabei stehen Krieg und Rassenpolitik im Mittelpunkt. Sie werden jedoch nicht isoliert betrachtet, sondern mit wesentlichen innenpolitischen und gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungen verknüpft. Dies geschieht in der Annahme, daß die außerordentliche Dynamik, mit der das nationalsozialistische Deutschland in der Außen- und Rassepolitik agierte, wesentlich von diesen korrespondierenden Bereichen mitgeprägt wurde.
A dance among the ruins: Harald Jähner’s major new portrait of Germany’s post-war societyCountless former soldiers drift through the towns and cities; countless children grow up without a father. The old order has been destroyed and although the streets seem eerily empty, the traditional annual street carnivals are soon back in full swing, jazz can be heard among the ruins, intellectuals rekindle a culture of discussion and debate.Harald Jähner’s book is the first history of Germany’s national mentality in the immediate post-war period. It focusses on the German people in all their diversity: the “re-educators” Alfred Döblin and Rudolf Herrnstadt, who tried in two different zones of occupation to win the trust of their fellow Germans; Beate Uhse, owner of a mail order company for “marital hygiene”, who questioned the old moral code governing what was deemed proper; the many nameless black market traders, pockets stuffed with Lucky Strike cigarettes; stylish housewives sitting at kidney-shaped coffee tables that were to become emblematic for a freer and affordable world. Using major political developments as a backdrop, this book weaves a series of life stories into a nuanced panorama that makes the monumental changes affecting the nation tangible for its readers. 1945 to 1955 was a raw, wild decade poised between two eras, portrayed here as a period that proved decisive for Germany’s future development – and one starkly different to how most Germans imagine it today.
— How politics are increasingly influencing the rule of law in Germany — Systematic failures of democracy to protect itself — Based on numerous interviews with different members of Germany's legal system Ever since the right-wing party “Alternative for Germany” (AfD) secured representation in the Bundestag and in all state parliaments, Germany’s judiciary is facing a new challenge for which it is unprepared: AfD-affiliated judges and public prosecutors are attracting attention through right-wing biased decisions and investigations. Other members of the legal system cause further damage by ignoring the right-wing extremist and anti-Semitic background of crimes and thus punishing offenders too leniently or not at all. Both the judiciary and policy-makers have so far underestimated the new danger from the right. As a result protection against the appointment of right-wing legal professionals has been insufficient. Joachim Wagner systematically analyses numerous examples from German courts in recent years. He calls on the democratic judiciary to remember the principles of a well-fortified democracy.
Three of the most important chronicles of eleventh-century Germany were composed in the south-western duchy of Swabia. The chronicles reveal how between 1049 and 1100 the centripetal attraction of the reform papacy became the dominant fact of intellectual life in German reformed monastic circles. In the abbey of Reichenau Herman 'the Lame' composed a chronicle of the reign of Emperor Henry III (1039-56). His pupil, Berthold of Reichenau, continued his master's work, composing a detailed account of 1076-1079 in Germany. Bernold, a clergyman of Constance, continued the work of Herman and Berthold in a text containing the fullest extant account of 1080-1100. Herman's waning enthusiasm for the monarchy and growing interest in the newly reformed papacy were intensified in Berthold's chronicle, and writing in the new context of the reformed monasteries of south-western Germany, Bernold preached total obedience to the Gregorian papacy. The Swabian chronicles are an indispensable resource to the student of the changing loyalties and conflicts of eleventh-century Germany.
The first comprehensive account of the public and cultural diplomacy campaigns carried out by the US in Yugoslavia during the height of the Cold War, this book examines the political role of culture in US-Yugoslav bilateral relations and the fluid links between information and propaganda. Tito allowed the US Information Agency and the State Department's cultural programmes to enter Yugoslavia, liberated from Soviet control. The exchange of intellectual and political personnel helped foster the US-Yugoslav relationship, yet it posed severe ideological challenges for both sides. By providing new insights into porous borders between freedom and coercion in Tito's regime, this book shows how public diplomacy acted as an external input for Yugoslav liberalisation and dissident movements. Using extensive archival research and interviews, Konta analyses the links between information and propaganda, and the unintended effects of propaganda beyond the control of producers and receivers.
"Die Aufsätze, im Laufe der letzten Jahre entstanden, sind aktuell im strengen Verstande des Worts: sie bezeichnen die Schwierigkeiten und die Aussichten politischen Handelns in einem Lande, in dem Politik fast ausschließlich als das Geschäft der Regierenden und als das Schicksal der Regierten aufgefaßt wurde. Diesem Zustand gilt Enzensbergers Kritik; seine Argumentation bricht ihn auf und zeigt, was ihm zugrunde liegt."
The Chronicon of Thietmar of Merseburg has long been recognised as one of the most important sources for the history of the tenth and early eleventh centuries, especially for the history of the Ottonian Empire. Thietmar's testimony also has special value because of his geographical location, in eastern Saxony, on the boundary between German and Slavic cultures. He is arguably the single most important witness to the early history of Poland, and his detailed descriptions of Slavic folklore are the earliest on record. This is a very important source in the medieval period, translated here in its entirety for the first time. It relates to an area of medieval studies generally dominated by German scholars, in which Anglo-phone scholars are beginning to make a substantial contribution.
Since the mid-2000s, the harsh reality of call centre employment for a generation of young workers in Portugal has been impossible to ignore. With its endless rows of small cubicles, where human agents endure repetitive telephone conversations with abusive clients under invasive modes of technological surveillance, discipline and control, call centre work remains a striking symbol of labour precarity, a condition particularly associated with the neoliberal generational disenchantment that 'each generation does better than its predecessor'. This book describes the emergence of a regime of disciplined agency in the Portuguese call centre sector. Examining the ascendancy of call centres as icons of precarity in contemporary Portugal, this book argues that call centre labour constitutes a new form of commodification of the labouring subject. De Matos argues that call centres represent an advanced system of non-manual labour power exploitation, due to the underestimation of human creativity that lies at the centre of the regimented structures of call centre labour. Call centres can only guarantee profit maintenance, de Matos argues, through the commodification of the human agency arising from the operators' moral, relational and social embedded agentive linguistic interventions of creative improvisation, decision-making, problem-solving and ethical evaluation.
Securitising Russia shows the impact of twenty-first-century security concerns on the way Russia is ruled. It demonstrates how President Putin has wrestled with terrorism, immigration, media freedom, religious pluralism, and economic globalism, and argues that fears of a return to old-style authoritarianism oversimplify the complex context of contemporary Russia. The book focuses on the internal security issues common to many states in the early twenty-first-century, and places them in the particular context of Russia. Detailed analysis of the place of security in Russia's political discourse and policy-making reveals nuances often missing from overarching assessments of Russia today. To characterise the Putin regime as the 'KGB-resurgent' is to miss vital continuities, contexts, and on-going political conflicts which make up the contemporary Russian scene. Securitising Russia draws together current debates about whether Russia is a 'normal' country developing its own democratic and market structures, or a nascent authoritarian regime returning to the past. ;