Books from Ukraine
The Ukrainian Book Institute is a government entity, part of the Ministry of Culture and Information Policy of Ukraine.
View Rights PortalThe Ukrainian Book Institute is a government entity, part of the Ministry of Culture and Information Policy of Ukraine.
View Rights PortalVladimir Putin has been ruling Russia for 25 years. There is no end in sight to his dictatorship. He relies on repression at home and is waging a war of destruction against a neighbouring country. The conflict with the West has long become a systemic conflict between an illiberal-autocratic ideology and liberal-democratic principles. Nothing will change as long as Putin remains in power. Nevertheless, as far as can be ascertained under unfree conditions, the majority of the population seems to be supporting Putin. Does this mean that too many people in Russia do not want democracy or peace? Will everything remain the same after Putin? Or is there a chance that Russia will eventually take a different, more democratic path? Whatever the outcome of the war in Ukraine, Russia is not going to disappear. We will still have to deal with our big neighbour in the east. This makes it all the more important to focus on longer-term developments. As a recognised expert on Russian history and society, the author outlines what the post-Putin era might look like. His in-depth analysis makes it clear that Russia is partly Putin, but Putin is not everything about Russia.
This volume is timely in that it explores key issues which are currently at the forefront of the EU's relations with its eastern neighbours. It considers the impact of a more assertive Russia, the significance of Turkey, the limitations of the Eastern Partnership with Belarus and Moldova, the position of a Ukraine in crisis and pulled between Russia and the EU, security and democracy in the South Caucasus. It looks at the contested nature of European identity in areas such as the Balkans. In addition it looks at ways in which the EU's interests and values can be tested in sectors such as trade and migration. The interplay between values, identity and interests and their effect on the interpretation of europeanisation between the EU and its neighbours is a core theme of the volume.
The relationship between Germany and Russia is Europe's most important link with the largest country on the continent. But despite Germany's unparalleled knowledge and historical experience, its policymakers struggle to accept that Moscow's efforts to rebalance Europe at the cost of the cohesion of the EU and NATO are an attack on Germany's core interests. This book explains the scale of the challenge facing Germany in managing relations with a changing Russia. It analyses how successive German governments from 1991 to 2014 misread Russian intentions, until Angela Merkel sharply recalibrated German and EU policy towards Moscow. The book also examines what lies behind efforts to revise Merkel's bold policy shift, including attitudes inherited from the GDR and the role of Russian influence channels in Germany.
— Comprehensive and detailled analysis of the Euromaidan and the ongoing war in Ukraine — Brussels versus Moscow, Russian aggression and geopolitical interests — China's role in a new East-West conflict The years between 2013 and 2019 were almost as significant for Ukraine as the attainment of independence in 1991, as this very independence was in danger of being lost again after the Euromaidan. The nationwide popular uprising against the regime of President Yanukovych had led to a change of power: the former parliamentary opposition formed a new government, resulting in a loss of influence for Russia. Russian agents therefore tried to bring about a "Crimea scenario", another secession in the eastern and southern parts of Ukraine. The resulting "Ukraine conflict", often called a civil war, is in fact a Russian war of attrition against Ukraine. President Putin intends to resolve it on his terms in the Minsk process: through a de facto "autonomous" part of the Donbass in the Ukrainian state, independent of Kiev, as a lever for Russian political influence. Winfried Schneider- Deters, a renowned expert on Ukraine, analyses narratively and in detail the events from 2013 to 2019 and places the Russian- Ukrainian conflict in the context of the dawning "Chinese century".
Worker protests in post-communist Romania and Ukraine is a book about strategies of trade unions confronting employers in difficult conditions. The book's main idea is to study why and how successful forms of workers' interest representation could emerge in a hostile context. The post-communist context makes it difficult for workers and trade unions to mobilise, pose threats to employers, and break out of their political isolation, but even under such harsh conditions strategy matters for defending workers' rights and living standards. The cases studied in this book are 18 conflict episodes at 10 privatised plants in the Romanian steel industry and Ukraine's civil machine-building sector in the 2000s. This book should be relevant for anyone taking interest in how and to what extent workers can reassert their influence over the conditions of production in regions and economic sectors characterised by disinvestment (of which outsourcing and 'lean' methods of production are instances).
This book explores the housing problem throughout the 70 years of Soviet history, looking at changing political ideology on appropriate forms of housing under socialism, successive government policies on housing, and the meaning and experience of 'home' for Soviet citizens. Attwood examines the use of housing to alter gender relations, and the ways in which domestic space was differentially experienced by men and women. Much of Attwood's material comes from Soviet magazines and journals, which enables her to demonstrate how official ideas on housing and daily life changed during the course of the Soviet era, and were propagandised to the population. Through a series of in-depth interviews, she also draws on the memories of people with direct experience of Soviet housing and domestic life. Attwood has produced not just a history of housing, but a social history of daily life which will appeal both to scholars and those with a general interest in Soviet history.
In the already vast literature on Churchill, no single work has focused on his changing attitude towards the Soviet Union. This is the first project to isolate just one major theme in Churchill's lifeExplores whether or not Churchill was consistent through forty years and examines the possibility that perceptions of domestic political advantage may have shaped his course more than high-monded and disinterested evaluations of evolving Soviet intentions and capabilitiesChurchill still arouses a great deal of general interest, and a work which challenges a number of preconceptions, as this book does, will undoubtedly appeal to the general readerA clearly argued, revisionist study of Churchill's views about and dealings with the Soviet Union. It will be part of the growing historical literature that seeks to reassess Churchill. ;
Für ein Tagebuch fehlt ihm die Zeit. Serhij Zhadan ist Tag und Nacht im beschossenen Charkiw (Ost-Ukraine) unterwegs – er evakuiert Kinder und alte Leute aus den Vororten, verteilt Lebensmittel, koordiniert Lieferungen an das Militär und gibt Konzerte. Die Posts in den sozialen Netzwerken dokumentieren seine Wege durch die Stadt und sprechen den Charkiwern Mut zu, unermüdlich, Tag für Tag. Die Stadt leert sich. Freunde kommen um. Der Tod ist allgegenwärtig, der Hass wächst. Als die Bilder von Butscha um die Welt gehen, versagt auch Zhadan die Stimme. »Es gibt keine Worte. Einfach keine. Haltet durch, Freunde. Jetzt gibt es nur noch Widerstand, Kampf und gegenseitige Unterstützung.« Nachrichten vom Überleben im Krieg: Das Buch ist eine Chronik der laufenden Ereignisse aus der Ukraine, das Zeugnis eines Menschen in der Ukraine, der während des Schreibens in eine neue Realität eintritt und sich der Vernichtung von allem entgegenstemmt. Kein einsamer Beobachter, sondern ein aktiver Zivilist in einer Gesellschaft, die in den letzten acht Jahren gelernt hat, was es bedeutet, gemeinsam stark zu sein. 2022 wird Serhij Zhadan zum Träger des Friedenspreises des Deutschen Buchhandels gewählt. In der Begründung heißt es: »Wir ehren den ukrainischen Schriftsteller und Musiker für sein herausragendes künstlerisches Werk sowie für seine humanitäre Haltung, mit der er sich den Menschen im Krieg zuwendet und ihnen unter Einsatz seines Lebens hilft. In seinen Romanen, Essays, Gedichten und Songtexten führt uns Serhij Zhadan in eine Welt, die große Umbrüche erfahren hat und zugleich von der Tradition lebt. Seine Texte erzählen, wie Krieg und Zerstörung in diese Welt einziehen und die Menschen erschüttern. Dabei findet der Schriftsteller eine eigene Sprache, die uns eindringlich und differenziert vor Augen führt, was viele lange nicht sehen wollten. Nachdenklich und zuhörend, in poetischem und radikalem Ton erkundet Serhij Zhadan, wie die Menschen in der Ukraine trotz aller Gewalt versuchen, ein unabhängiges, von Frieden und Freiheit bestimmtes Leben zu führen.«
Nach einem längeren Aufenthalt in Wien zog sich Josef Winkler im Jahre 1981 auf einen Bauernhof in Kärnten zurück, um seinen Roman Muttersprache zu beenden. Dort fand er Quartier bei der Familie der Bergbäuerin Njetotschka Wassiljewna Iljaschenko, einer im März 1943 von Hitlers Schergen verschleppten Ukrainerin ‒ die ihm über ein Jahr lang ihre Lebensgeschichte erzählte. Die Bäuerin berichtet dem Autor vom Leben ihrer verzweifelt um die Existenz der Familie ringenden Mutter am Ufer des Dnjepr und von ihrer eigenen Kindheit während der Zeit der Kollektivierung und Hungersnot (Holodomor) im Dorf Dobenka, das später vom Stausee von Krementschug überflutet wurde. Sie erzählt von ihrer gewaltsamen Verschleppung aus der Ukraine zur Zwangsarbeit nach Kärnten, und sie berichtet von ihrem ersten Jahr auf dem Kärntner Bergbauernhof. Der Band erscheint mit einem Nachwort von Josef Winklers französischem Übersetzer Bernard Banoun sowie erstmals mit Briefen, die Hapka Davidowna Iljaschenko aus der Ukraine an ihre Tochter Njetotschka in Kärnten schrieb.
This major new study fills a significant gap in the academic literature on the Cold War by considering President Lyndon Johnson's policy towards the Soviet Union. The author examines the attitudes of Johnson and his leading advisers toward the Soviet leadership, taking into account the effects of Moscow's growing splits with Beijing, the impact on US-Soviet relations of nuclear issues, the Vietnam War, and clashes over Cuba, the Middle East and Eastern Europe. The author's research is based on detailed scrutiny of archives in Britain and the United States, as well as recently published document collections. His study also examines the President's personal leadership qualities, his mistakes in Vietnam and his success as a peacemaker with Moscow. The book constitutes a major contribution to literature on President Johnson's foreign policy 'beyond Vietnam'. The book will be of interest to students of the Cold War, the Johnson Presidency and of US foreign relations. ;
"What can you learn in war? Do you become numb, do you get used to it at some point? Does war make you "hard", uncaring, above pain? No. These are just clichés. Every day brings new horrors. At best, one learns for some time to suppress strong feelings, because to give in to them would weaken one's life instinct." In a very stirring and shocking, but sometimes humorous language, Christoph Brumme tells of the situation in Ukraine, the everyday life of his family and friends, of fears, longings and political assessments. The diary entries of the war and the resistance of the Ukrainians, starting from the first signs of the impending war in mid-January 2022 until the printing of this book, 1st May 2022, impressively bear witness to the brutality of these events.
Insurgency has plagued the North Caucasus since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Between 2007 and 2015, rebels waged their struggle under the banner of the Caucasus Emirate (Imarat Kavkaz, IK). This book systematically examines the IK's ideology to explain what the group claimed to be fighting for and against and how it sought to mobilise people behind its cause. It reveals a group with a weakly developed political programme, which aligned itself with global jihadism but consistently prioritised local concerns. It demonstrates the priority rebel leaders afforded to shaping local identities, but also their failure to forge a unified movement or revitalise armed struggle. Re-evaluating the IK's ideology helps us better understand the past and future of armed struggle in the North Caucasus.
Despite the intense processes of deindustrialisation around the world, the working class continues to play an important role in post-industrial societies. However, working-class people are often stigmatised, morally judged and depicted negatively in dominant discourses. This book challenges stereotypical representations of workers, building on research into the everyday worlds of working-class and ordinary people in Russia's post-industrial cities. The urban life of workers in post-Soviet Russia is centred on the stories of local communities engaged in the everyday struggles that occur in deindustrialising settings under neoliberal neo-authoritarianism. The book suggests a novel approach to everyday life in post-industrial cities. Drawing on an ethnographic study with elements of arts-based research, the book presents a new genre of writing about workers influenced by the avant-garde documentary tradition and working-class literature.
The Russian Revolution of 1917 was not just a world-historical event in its own right, but also struck powerful blows against racism and imperialism, and so inspired many black radicals internationally. This edited collection explores the implications of the creation of the Soviet Union and the Communist International for black and colonial liberation struggles across the African diaspora. It examines the critical intellectual influence of Marxism and Bolshevism on the current of revolutionary 'black internationalism' and analyses how 'Red October' was viewed within the contested articulations of different struggles against racism and colonialism. Challenging European-centred understandings of the Russian Revolution and the global left, The Red and the Black offers new insights on the relations between Communism, various lefts and anti-colonialisms across the Black Atlantic - including Garveyism and various other strands of Pan-Africanism. The volume makes a major and original intellectual contribution by making the relations between the Russian Revolution and the Black Atlantic central to debates on questions relating to racism, resistance and social change.
Human rights and détente inextricably intertwined during Carter's years. By promoting human rights in the USSR, Carter sought to build a domestic consensus for détente; through bipolar dialogue, he tried to advance human rights in the USSR. But, human rights contributed to the erosion of détente without achieving a lasting domestic consensus.
Edzard Reuter is a European by conviction, and a fighter for an economy that is also geared to the well-being of employees, the environment and society. In his book, he looks back at the 90 years of his life as a politically and socially committed person. The expert in and observer of world politics and the world economy shows how the world has changed and what role the Middle East, Russia, the USA and China play in this. For Reuter, the path of the European Union is quite clear: it has to become an independent state structure. The war in Ukraine testifies to the urgency of a paradigm shift in Europe.