TheUnited States Insitute of Peace was created by the US congress as a federally funded presscreatingworks toprevent and resolve global conflict by providing education and resources to work towards peace.
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Founded in 1985, China Peace Publishing House is a state-owned publishing house belonging to China Soong Ching Ling Foundation, publishing books about Soong Ching Ling, and various of children’s books, mainly for small children. In 2008, with the formal approval of the General Press & Publication Administration, China Soong Ching Ling Foundation and Jiangxi Publishing Group reformed and reorganized CPPH, which, since then, has been managed by China Soong Ling Foundation and operated by China Soong Ling Foundation and Jiangxi Publishing Group. CPPH is a member of the children's books professional committee of China Redactological Society, a member of the youth books working committee of the Publishers Association of China, and a member of Jiangxi Redactological Society. CPPH publishes books for children aged from 0 to 18, including early learning, comics, picture book, fiction and encyclopedia, etc., as well as magazines and audio & video products. CPPH publishes over 300 new books and has over 600 books reprinted every year. Besides books, CPPH also publishes two periodicals, China Youth and Animation World. It also has a subsidiary body, China Peace Audio-Video & Digital Publishing House, with approximately 100 new electronic and audio-visual products published per year. Since being established, many books and audio-visual products by CPPH have been selected in China National Key Book Publishing Plan, recommended by Ministry of Education, and won a number of national awards.
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This important book provides new understandings of how the politics of memory impacts peace in societies transitioning from a violent past. It does so by developing a theoretical approach focusing on the intersection of sites, agency, narratives, and events in memory-making. Drawing on rich empirical studies of mnemonic formations in Cyprus, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Rwanda, South Africa and Cambodia, the book speaks to a broad audience. The in-depth, cross-case analysis shows that inclusivity, pluralism, and dignity in memory politics are key to the construction of a just peace. The book contributes crucial and timely knowledge about societies that grapple with the painful legacies of the past and advances the study of memory and peace.
This book analyses the international phenomenon of private peace entrepreneurs. These are private citizens with no official authority who initiate channels of communication with official representatives from the other side of a conflict in order to promote a conflict resolution process. It combines theoretical discussion with historical analysis, examining four cases from different conflicts: Norman Cousins and Suzanne Massie in the Cold War, Brendan Duddy in the Northern Ireland conflict and Uri Avnery in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The book defines the phenomenon, examines the resources and activities of private peace entrepreneurs and their impact on the official diplomacy, and examines the conditions under which they can play an effective role in peace-making processes. This book is relevant to United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 16, Peace, justice and strong institutions.
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After three decades of violence, Northern Ireland has experienced unprecedented peace. This book examines the impact of the 1998 Agreement which halted the violence on those most affected by it - the Northern Irish people themselves. Using public opinion surveys conducted over half a century, this book covers changes in public opinion across all areas of society and politics, including elections, education, community relations and national identity. The surveys show that despite peace, Protestants and Catholics remain as deeply divided as ever. The vast majority marry co-religionists, attend religious schools and have few friends across the religious divide. The results have implications not just for peace-making in Northern Ireland, but for other societies emerging from conflict. The main lesson of peace-making in Northern Ireland is that political reform has to be accompanied by social change across the society as a whole. Peace after conflict needs social as well as political change. ;
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When you have autism, you probably have to cope with stress on a daily basis. Often, people with autism do not know how to recognize stress, what causes stress, and what they can do to reduce it. More peace, less stress offers a useful step-by-step plan. In seven steps, the reader learns what causes stress, how to recognise stress signals, and what they can do to feel more at ease. The book includes practical exercises so new knowledge can be applied right away. Being more at ease means to be able to: have better relationships with a partner, family, friends and colleagues, focus attention to get things done more easily, have a grip on life, instead of experiencing chaos, restlessness and insecurity and feel more powerful and have more self-esteem.
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This volume brings together insights which look at the intersection of governance, culture and conflict resolution in India and the European Union. Two very different but connected epistemic, cultural and institutional settings, which have been divided by distance, colonialism and culture; yet have recently been brought closer together by ideas and practices of what is known as liberal peace, neoliberal state and development projects. The differences are obvious in terms of geography, culture, the nature and shape of institutions, and historical forces: and yet the commonalities between the two are surprising. This is the first book to compare contemporary Indian and European Union approaches to peace and is based on strong case studies and rigorous analysis. Postgraduate students, peace and conflict researchers, policy-makers and practitioners will benefit immensely from insights provided in this book. ;
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This timely and controversial book shows how crime, and the authorities' response to crime, became central to the peace process in Northern Ireland. At times, paramilitary activity threatened to destabilise the peace in Northern Ireland after 1998, but crime was central to maintaining capacity should the groups return to war. Over time, the reduction of crime was central to these groups' own attempts to reform and official judgements as to whether they were genuinely demobilising. The state's response to crime added controversy. Police reform produced the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) and the new Organised Crime Task Force signalled the importance of crime control, but the Assets Recovery Agency, supposedly the 'magic bullet' for organised crime, misfired. Law enforcement was also deeply affected by the British state's response to paramilitary crime. By 2007, peace was apparently secure and paramilitaries were 'de-criminalising', but this often chaotic process was marked with questions about the British state's adherence to the rule of law. Incorporating first-hand research in the PSNI, the book will be of interest to general readers and scholars of Irish Studies, criminology, and British and comparative politics. ;
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At no time in Northern Ireland's history did so many significant political initiatives occur as between 1972 and 1975, the most violent and polarised years of the region's conflict. Using archival sources, this book analyses the political events and processes that informed the British government's Northern Ireland policy at the time, the complex interactions between Northern Ireland political parties, and the importance of the British-Irish diplomatic relationship to the search for a solution to the Northern Ireland conflict. Focusing on the rise and fall of the power-sharing Executive and the Sunningdale Agreement, the book challenges a number of persistent myths, including those concerning the role of the Irish government in the Northern Ireland conflict. It contests the notion that the years 1972 to 1975 represent a 'lost peace process', but demonstrates that the policies established during this period provided the template for Northern Ireland's current, ongoing peace settlement. ;
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Politics and peace in Northern Ireland analyses the complex and contradictory process of implementing the Good Friday Agreement. Using the lens of security dilemma theory, it begins with an original overview of the conflict, the Agreement and post-1998 politics. The book then explores post-Agreement Northern Ireland through the eyes of each of the four main political parties, showing how they tried to shape the course of peace implementation, and how implementation, in turn, shaped the fates and fortunes of the parties. Drawing on extensive original research, this book explains the promise and limits of the Agreement. It shows how and why the two sides' mutual insecurities repeatedly derailed peace implementation, and reflects on the likely direction of parties and politics in the future. This clearly written and up-to-date book will be of interest to scholars and students of recent Northern Irish history, ethnic conflict and peace-making. ;
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Germany, pacifism and peace enforcement is about the transformation of Germany's security and defence policy in the time between the 1991 Gulf War and the 2003 war against Iraq. The book traces and explains the reaction of Europe's biggest and potentially most powerful country to the ethnic wars of the 1990s, the emergence of large-scale terrorism, and the new US emphasis on pre-emptive strikes. Based on an analysis of Germany's strategic culture it portrays Germany as a security actor and indicates the conditions and limits of the new German willingness to participate in international military crisis management that developed over the 1990s. It debates the implications of Germany's transformation for Germany's partners and neighbours and explains why Germany said 'yes' to the war in Afghanistan, but 'no' to the Iraq War. ;
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This book explores the psychic, cultural and political ramifications of memory within the Irish Troubles. It investigates the traumatic impact of the violence perpetrated since 1969; the antagonistic cultural narratives of memory fashioned and mobilised in this context within public and private arenas; and the conflicts, paradoxes and contradictions involved in 'coming to terms with the past' both before and during the Irish peace process initiated in 1993-94. The study focuses on personal and collective remembrance within two particular locations: the Unionist communities along the Irish Border, and nationalist Derry. It traces the formation from below of competing public narratives, one concerned with the 'ethnic cleansing' of Protestants by the Irish Republican Army, the other with British state violence on Bloody Sunday; and analyses their subjective roots in specific experiences of fear and loss, their role in ideological struggle, and their complicated relation to private, familial and individual remembering. ;
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This highly original book constitutes one of the first attempts to examine the problem of distributive justice in the European Union in a systematic manner. João Labareda argues that the set of shared political institutions at EU level, including the European Parliament and the Court of Justice of the EU, generate democratic duties of redistribution among EU citizens. Furthermore, the economic structure of the EU, comprising a common market, a common currency and a free-movement area, triggers duties of reciprocity among member states. The responsibilities to fulfil these duties, Labareda argues, should be shared by the local, national and supranational levels of government. Not only should the EU act as a safety net to the national welfare systems, applying the principle of subsidiarity, but common market and Eurozone regulations should balance their efficiency targets with fair cooperation terms. The concrete policy proposals presented in this book include a threshold of basic goods for all EU citizens, an EU labour code, a minimum EU corporate tax rate and an EU fund for competitiveness. Labarada argues that his proposals match the political culture of the member states, are economically feasible, can be translated into functioning institutions and policies and are consistent with the limited degree of social solidarity in Europe. This book is a major contribution to the understanding of what a just Europe would look like and what it might take to get us there. This book is relevant to United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 10, Reduced inequalities
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Richard Haass and Mitchell Reiss, as autonomous diplomats in the George W. Bush State Department, were able to alter US intervention in Northern Ireland and play critical roles in the post-1998 peace process. Their contributions have not been fully appreciated or understood. The restoration of Northern Ireland's power-sharing government in 2007 was made possible by State Department-led intervention in the peace process. There are few references to Northern Ireland in work examining the foreign policy legacy of the George W. Bush presidency. Moreover, the ability to control US foreign policy towards the region brought one of George W. Bush's Northern Ireland special envoys into direct diplomatic conflict with the most senior actors inside the British government. This book will uncover the extent of this fall-out and provide original accounts on how diplomatic relations between these old allies became so fraught.
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